GLOBE PROJECT: Find the non-disclosed locations of Nike, Adidas, etc. factories. Where are the secret factories? As soon as we systematically identify where they are, we can monitor what they are doing.  

NEW We also want to find comparable factories where working conditions are better. For example,

What are the condition of factories where New Mexico State University Campus Story buys its garments with our logo on them?

Contact at Academics Studying Nike, Adidas... if you know where they are.







El Salvador, Guatemala












Factory List

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Working Conditions


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INDONESIA -Nike Disclosed location
PT Kukdong Intl. – Indonesia Desa Cikiwul, Kec, Bantar Gebang
Jalan Raya Narogong KM, 12 No. 8
Kabupaten Bekasi, Jawa Barat
Eui Jun, Choi
Tel: 62 21 825 0870
Fax: 62 21 825 0867
INDONESIA - Duke List 
PT Dong One Garment JL Ternate Block D – 15A
KBN Cakung Cilincing
Jakarta – Utara, Indonesia
Hwang Oh Sun
Tel: 62-21-448-30539
Fax: 62-21-448 30540
PT Kukdong Intl. – Indonesia Desa Cikiwul, Kec, Bantar Gebang
Jalan Raya Narogong KM, 12 No. 8
Kabupaten Bekasi, Jawa Barat
Eui Jun, Choi
Tel: 62 21 825 0870
Fax: 62 21 825 0867

Chronology - See Nike Abuses in Indonesia Chronology

After years of local reporting, - CBS-TV (US) in 1993 broadcasts highly critical report on Nike-contractors' labor practices in Indonesia. For more of the chronology see "Sweaty Sneakers" by Pittman (2000). 

Some Facts

  1. Indonesia has 30 Nike subcontract factories that have a combined workforce of 115,000. Nike has publicly release the location of three of these factories.
  2. Factory owners are easily able to discover and persecute workers who have been interviewed by Nike's auditing firm, PriceWaterhouseCoopers (PWC) or Nike's consulting firm the Global Alliance (GA). Nike's cover-up campaign
  3. The official minimum wage of an Indonesian worker is US$33.65 a month; Nike says it pays its workers there US$35.30 a month, which is 80% of meeting most minimum physical subsistence needs. Nike's cover-up campaign &
  4. Nike collaborated closely with the Suharto dictatorship and the armed forces to quell industrial disputes. In 1996, for example, a union organizer who organized a strike was sacked by Nike and then detained and tortured for seven days by the military. Nike's cover-up campaign
  5. Many workers said they were afraid to make complaints to the SP TSK Nike factory, because in the past factory supervisors have been informed about their complaints. Nike's cover-up campaign
  6. Factories also commonly employ preman (hired thugs) to assault troublesome union officials and to break strikes
    and picket lines. In 1995, a union organizer in a Nike factory resigned after thugs came to his house and stabbed
    him in the face, arms and shoulders. Death threats have been made to other independent union organizers. Nike's cover-up campaign
  7. One worker from the PT Adis factory in Balaraja, West Java, described the mistreatment suffered by members of
    the independent union SPBS as being “like cutting bamboo”. “Every month the number of workers who join SPBS
    grows and also every month [the number of SPBS members] are reduced at the same time because the
    management dismisses members”, the worker said. Nike's cover-up campaign
  8. Revealingly, Nike has refused to allow any thorough independent monitoring of its human rights record. The Workers' Rights Consortium (WRC) is an organization established in the United States by student activists,
    supported by academics, trade unions and labour rights organizations. Fifty US universities are affiliated to the
    WRC. Nike has refused to continue negotiations with the WRC over labour rights standards; WRC has launched
    an international campaign to expose Nike.

Source: Nike's cover-up campaign BY SIMON BUTLER

EXHIBIT A - November 1999 (Source CCC, 1999 - SUDWIND Materials No. 7 Siegburg Germany)

Ingeborg Wick From "Cheap production in Indonesia for German fashion TNCs - steps towards alternatives" By Sudwind (based on research by PMK (Urban Community Mission), Jakarta, between January and April 1999)

Harsh conditions for workers

The factory PT. Tainan Enterprises Indonesia (Tainan) is based in Nusantara, an export processing zone (EPZ) north of Jakarta. Out of the 168 factories in the EPZ, opened in 1986, 73 produce garments. The others produce electronics and footwear. Foreign investors come from South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Japan and Singapore.

EXHIBIT B - The New Jeff Ballinger et al USM (Urban Community Mission) Wage Study

    Reports (1, 2, 3) 

Boje, David M. (2001) "Comparison of the Urban Community Mission (UCM) Survey Report December 1999 to the Global Alliance, Center for Societal Development Studies (CSDS) 2000 study.

EXHIBIT C Worker 1999 protest in Indonesia (Source, Corporate Watch).  

    PT. Nikomas Gemilang factory -- which has over 20,000 young Indonesians making Nike shoes  

    JAKARTA, Dec 23 (AFP) - Around 8,000 workers at two Indonesian factories producing Nike shoes went on a violent rampage in protest at dragging negotiations over bonuses, a report said Thursday.  The workers from the PT Astra's Shoe Industry Division in Tanggerang, west of Jakarta, on Wednesday vandalized seven vehicles inside the factory compound and smashed factory windows with stones  (Source, Corporate Watch).

EXHIBIT D Nike Sponsored Student Report Nike Student Monitoring Report, Bangladesh and Indonesia
Shubha Chakravarty

EXHIBIT E Articles for Background 

EXHIBIT F - Nike wages and conditions in Indonesia: NGO Reports


EXHIBIT G - Interesting Excerpt from TV broadcast

Excerpt of transcript of Dusty Kidd's "simple economics" from Street Stories (CBS) July 2, 1993 -- Roberta Baskins reporting. Dusty Kidd is director of the Labor Practices Department of Nike Corporation. (Source Sun, 17 Sep 2000 06:53:38 -0400 email alert from Jeff Ballinger). 

KIDD: This represents the best standard that a worker can attain at this point in Indonesia for basic--basic skill-type work.

(Footage of Bata factory)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Well, not really. Nearby a Canadian company, Bata, makes inexpensive canvas sneakers.

(Footage of Baskin and Kidd)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) We told Mr. Kidd that we had heard Bata paid its workers better than the factories that make Nikes.

Mr. KIDD: I don't believe it. I mean, I just--simple economics tells you that that can't possibly be true. (My emphasis)

Phil Knight trashed CBS producer + Baskin in book, Just Do It (Donald Katz, Random House, 1994)

CBS News Transcripts


July 02, 1993, Friday


ED BRADLEY: Welcome to STREET STORIES. It may seem there's nothing more American than sneakers. But the fact is the athletic shoes most of us
own probably weren't made in America but in Asia where labor is cheap. How cheap? Prepare yourself for a shock. Tonight Roberta Baskin reports on one of the most successful athletic shoe companies anywhere, one where workers may be making shoes, but what they can't make is a living.


(Excerpt from Nike shoe commercial)

ROBERTA BASKIN: (Voiceover) The message is simple: Champions wear Nikes. And Nike is the champion at selling sneakers. But what Nike doesn't do is actually make those sneakers.

(Footage of a Nike shoe factory)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Nikes are made half a world away by Asian companies in countries like Indonesia...

(Footage from streets of Indonesia)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) ...a crowded impoverished nation desperate for jobs.

(Footage of Indonesian laborers)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Labor is cheap and nowhere has Nike struck a better bargain than here in Indonesia.

(Footage from Nike factory)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) For as little as 19 cents an hour, $ 1.30 a day, these young Indonesian women make Nike shoes. Some of them are as young as 14
years old. They cut and stitch and glue Nikes for 8, 10, sometimes 12 hours a day. To them, 'Just Do It' isn't just a catchy ad slogan.

(Footage of Baskin and Jeff Ballinger)

Mr. JEFF BALLINGER (American Union Activist): I had no idea these shoe factories would show up as such glaring examples of law-breaking.

(Footage from Nike factory)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Jeff Ballinger, an American union activist, worked on a wage survey of Indonesian factories and found that last year most of the
factories making Nikes were paying some workers less than the legal minimum wage. We flew Ballinger back to Indonesia to talk about Nike.

(Footage of Baskin and Ballinger)

Mr. BALLINGER: I played softball when I first arrived here, and some of the guys on the team were from Nike, and one of the them asked me what I did.
I said, 'I'm working with the American unions. We have an office here to help the Indonesian workers.' He looked at me and said, 'I'm your worst nightmare.'

(Footage from Nike factory)

Mr. BALLINGER: (Voiceover) And months later, when we did the survey, we found that he was right. They are the worst. They were setting the low end of the wage scale.

BASKIN: (Voiceover) But they are not alone. Reebok, Adidas and other sport shoe companies make their shoes here, too, sometimes in the same factories as Nike. But with sales last year of $ 3.4 billion, Nike is first in the sports and fitness world. And in Indonesia, Nike sets the pace.

(Footage of Baskin with Dusty Kidd at the factory)

Mr. DUSTY KIDD (Nike Public Relations Manager): Take a look around.

BASIN: (Voiceover) Nike's public relations manager, Dusty Kidd, took us on a tour of a brand-new factory called Pao Chen.

Mr. KIDD: These people have really good jobs. People who've been in the business a long time tell me this is about as good as it gets. So that's why
we're here.

BASKIN: (Voiceover) But 'as good as it gets' is not enough for many workers making Nikes at Pao Chen and other factories.

(Footage of Baskin in front of Nike factory)

BASKIN: Last September, at this factory outside Jakarta, 6,000 workers put down their Nikes and walked out on strike. All they wanted was the
Indonesian minimum wage, about $ 1.30 a day. Management gave in, but suspended 22 of the strike organizers.

(Footage of Baskin with Sadisah)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) One of those suspended was 24-year-old Sadisah. Unlike some of the other women, who could still lose their jobs, Sadisah wasn't afraid to talk with us. Sadisah still lives across the road from the factory where she used to make Nikes. She shares a tiny one-room shack with her sister and two other women who still work at the factory.

How do you sleep?

(Sadisah demonstrates)

BASIN: Uh-huh. I see. You take the mat, and you sleep down on the floor.

(Voiceover) No electricity. No running water. Open sewers. A 1989 study for the Indonesian government found that three-quarters of female factory
workers were malnourished.

(Footage of Baskin and Ballinger)

Mr. BALLINGER: We're giving foreign aid. America gives foreign aid to this country, and these workers could qualify for foreign aid. I don't think,
you know, it's Nike's place to--to build a better life for all these workers. Just, you know, don't exploit the fact that these workers have no power. Because the leverage is held by Nike.

(Footage of Baskin with a group of women workers)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) These women who make Nikes at Pao Chen and another factory agreed to show me their pay stubs.

So how much a day?

(A woman holds up a pay stub)

Unidentified Woman #1: Two thousand and six hundred rupiah per day.

BASKIN: OK, $ 1.30 a day in America.

(Voiceover) While $ 1.30 a day is the minimum wage here, it's well below Indonesia's poverty line. For these workers, that's about $ 1.85 a day.

Is this enough to live on?

Unidentified Woman #2: (Through translator) Not enough.

(Footage of Baskin and Kidd at the factory)

BASKIN: How do you respond to the criticism that these women aren't paid a decent wage by you?

Mr. KIDD: It may not be a decent wage in the context of an American worker, but this is not America. The people who run the factory pay what they have to pay to get the work done properly.

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Although Nike managers visit the factories every day to monitor quality, Nike insists it has no influence over factory wages
because they don't own the factories.

Mr. KIDD: We don't set the minimum wage nor do we set the wages in the factory. That's what the factory managers here do.

(Footage of Baskin with James Clad)

Mr. JAMES CLAD (Indonesian Expert): That's true. They don't set the wages. They don't want to set the wages.

BASKIN: (Voiceover) James Clad is an expert on Indonesia at the Carnegie Endowment, a Washington think tank.

Mr. CLAD: They can be strictly legal and say, 'It's not our affair.' And they'd be right, legally. On the other hand, they can say, 'Unless the
supplier does something to improve the daily wage rate, we're going to take our business elsewhere.' And that's Nike's decision.

(Footage of Baskin and Kidd)

BASKIN: You don't feel that Nike has any responsibility to make sure that they're getting a standard of living that is above the poverty line?

Mr. KIDD: Again, I think if you look around and look at the rest of Indonesia, these people are way above the standard of living.

BASKIN: But these women are working in a factory for Nike, one of the most profitable--the most profitable shoemaking company...

Mr. KIDD: Mm-hmm.

BASKIN: ...and they're not making a wage that is above the poverty line here in Indonesia.

Mr. KIDD: Well, if--again, I'm not--I'm not an expert economist. But if that's true, then the minimum wage and the poverty line, one of those two,
maybe, is not accurately reflecting what the working conditions are.

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Nike urged us to take into account the other benefits the women at this particular factory get, like free housing.

(Footage inside housing for Nike workers)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) We'd already seen the housing several days before our official Nike tour. We found the women live in barracks here. Some told us
they aren't allowed outside the factory fence except on Sunday, and then only with a signed pass from management.

(Close-up of pass)

Unidentified Woman #3 (Translator): This is the permission letter.

BASKIN: To leave the factory?

Woman #3: Yes, to leave the factory. Name and then the number.

BASKIN: So the--and--and without this, they can't leave the factory?

Woman #3: Yes. They can't leave.

(Footage inside women's barracks)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Conditions at the Pao Chen compound are better than in many Indonesian villages. There is electricity, running water, toilets. But
they give up
some of their freedom.

(Footage inside factory)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) A Pao Chen manager told us the factory recruits young women from rural villages because they are easier to control than men.

(Footage of Baskin and Kidd)

BASKIN: We talked to women from this place who say that they're like prisoners here. They're not allowed out without passes.

Mr. KIDD: Mm-hmm.

BASKIN: How do you react to that?

Mr. KIDD: I don't know. I wasn't aware of that. You're asking me a question I just don't have any knowledge of.

BASKIN: But this is one of your premiere places. This is a place that you're proudest of, that you wanted to take us to.

Mr. KIDD: Right. But again, I've been here for a day. So there are many things about the way a factory is run and the way we operate as a company, I
don't have total knowledge of.

(Footage of Phil Knight)

Mr. PHIL KNIGHT (Founder and CEO of Nike): It was the best quarter that Nike ever had...

BASKIN: (Voiceover) We hoped Phil Knight, Nike's founder and CEO, would do the talking, but he rejected our request for an interview.

(Footage from factory)

BASIN: Knight, however, did write a letter saying we didn't understand the, quote, "parental role" of Indonesian factories.

Mr. KIDD: (Voiceover) These are jobs that didn't exist five years ago. Five years ago these people would have been working on farms.

(Footage of Kidd)

Mr. KIDD: They would have had no housing, no health care, no kind of subsistence beyond a kind of standard hand-to-mouth type existence. This
represents the
best standard that a worker can attain at this point in Indonesia for basic--basic skill-type work.

(Footage of Bata factory)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Well, not really. Nearby a Canadian company, Bata, makes inexpensive canvas sneakers.

(Footage of Baskin and Kidd)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) We told Mr. Kidd that we had heard Bata paid its workers better than the factories that make Nikes.

Mr. KIDD: I don't believe it. I mean, I just--simple economics tells you that that can't possibly be true.

(Footage of Baskin and Mahmood Hak at the Bata factory)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) So we went to the Bata factory to find out. Mahmood Hak is the director of Bata Indonesia.

In this shoe factory, what is the wage of the lowest paid worker?

Mr. MAHMOOD HAK (Director, Bata Indonesia): Our lowest paid full-time worker earns about $ 3.90 cash, per day.

BASKIN: Three dollars and 90 cents a day. Now that's almost three times what some of these other shoe companies are paying. But you're still

Mr. HAK: We are profitable, yes. No complaints.

(Footage of Baskin with Dr. Payaman Simanjuntak)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Dr. Payaman Simanjuntak, the director-general of Indonesia's Labor Ministry, says a rich company like Nike should also pay more than the minimum wage.

Dr. PAYAMAN SIMANJUNTAK (Labor Ministry Director-General): Frankly speaking, we are not happy with the condition. We are not happy with the low level of wage. We would say--if Nike could pay decent wage rather than just minimum wage.

(Footage of Nike workers)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) But Dr. Simanjuntak says there's not much the government can do about it. If it insists on higher wages, then companies like Nike will pull out of Indonesia, taking thousands of jobs with them.

(Footage of Baskin and James Clad)

Mr. CLAD: These are industries that are footloose. That's the expression. They're footloose. They can pick up and move, and I've seen factories leave
in a week.

(Footage of Nike factory)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) So for fear of losing much-needed jobs, Indonesia sets its minimum wage below the poverty line. Again, that's about $ 1.85 a day
for these workers.

(Footage of Baskin and Kidd)

BASKIN: One dollar and 85 cents day. What would that do to Nike?

Mr. KIDD: I don't know. I mean, any increase in cost is reflected in the cost of the product, I'm sure.

(Footage of Nike commercials)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Meanwhile, Nike lavishes millions on athlete endorsements, by some accounts $ 20 million a year to Michael Jordan alone.

(Footage from Duke University basketball game)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) Recently Nike paid Duke University Coach Mike Krzyzewski a $ 1 million bonus to dress his players in Nikes.

(Footage of factory workers)

BASKIN: (Voiceover) And the Indonesian workers who actually make Nikes? They get paid less than $ 1.00 a pair.

(Footage of Baskin and Jeff Ballinger)

Mr. BALLINGER: It would take roughly 1 percent of Nike's advertising budget, which is about $ 180 million a year. You could put 15,000 workers above the poverty line. One percent of Nike's advertising budget.

BASKIN: Does that mean that we would pay higher prices back in America for our Nikes?

Mr. BALLINGER: Maybe you'd see one less Nike ad per week. I don't think that would make anybody very upset.

(Footage from factory and close-up of Just Do It banner; theme music)

BRADLEY: Still ahead, life goes to the movies--real life.


EXHIBIT H - Indonesia Study 


Dear friends:

Our little AFL-CIO office in Jakatra organized a survey of over 160,000 Indonesian workers (55 questions long) over a 26 month period. The public relations people for The Global Alliance obviously have little idea about what research has been done about Asian workers.

Jeff B.

See September 10, 1999 News Release by Jeff Ballinger (Source NikeWatch Campaign of Australia).


Exhibit I - Like Cutting Bamboo  Nike and Indonesian Workers' Right to Freedom of Association 

Community Aid Abroad-Oxfam Australia

September 2000 

This is a report by the Community Aid Abroad (Oxfam Australia report) documents intimidation and harassment of union organizers by managers of Nike contract factories in Indonesia. 

For example, "There is a branch of SP TSK (part of SPSI Reformasi) at PT Nikomas and all workers automatically become members of this union a couple of months after they start work. There are only 15 SP TSK representatives for the 23,000 workers at the factory. The workers I interviewed felt that some of the SPTSK representatives genuinely tried to help them but others were "on the side of the company". Many workers are afraid to tell SPTSK about problems they are facing because if supervisors find out someone has complained to SP TSK they often humiliate them in front of other workers. The female worker I interviewed said: 

Worker (through interpreter) - The factory don't let the worker complain to SPSI. Say "We are family. Any problem you should talk to supervisor, not to outsiders." Scold workers if they talk to SPSI...Every time there is a workers' meeting with the factory, the factory likes to make some comments about someone who complains often…If there is a meeting and the factory manager…says "You! You are the one who always causes trouble!" And then the worker gets embarrassed…It's like pressure…"You complain all the time while your work is not good enough." It's like pressure on them, to make embarrass, to make them feel like a fool. [I] got that once in a meeting. In front of friends. "'re the one who always cause trouble, you complain to SPSI all the time." (See Report).


See also "How the Military Enforces Global Capitalism Nike’s Armies" (2000) by Jeff Ballinger


Exhibit J Keady and Indonesia Wages and Nike Response

SOURCE: Daily Illini [newspaper of University of Illinois, US] Champaign, Ill.
February 12, 2001 -
Human rights activists speak out against Nike - By Tom Polansek, Daily Illini

Many college students know what it's like to be low on cash, but very few

could live on $ 1.25 a day. According to human rights activists Jim Keady and Leslie Kretzu, Nike factory workers in Indonesia are paid that amount to work eight to 15 hours a day and must make that wage stretch to support themselves and their families. Keady and Kretzu spent last August living in solidarity with Nike factory workers in
Indonesia and living on their wages. They spoke Friday at University of
Illinois about sweatshops and the exploitation of workers in developing countries.
 "Our goal was to humanize the sweatshop issue," Kretzu said. "Nike is
undermining human dignity for a profit. You may survive on $ 1.25 a day, but
you can not live and maintain your dignity."
Nike supplies sports equipment and apparel to universities across the
country, including the University.
Nike's Web site,, said the impressions Keady and Kretzu
received from their time in Indonesia are inaccurate and that workers are
adequately compensated for their work.
According to the Web site, "Continued research into the well-being of the
people making our products reveals that minimum wage earners are usually
able to meet their basic needs as well as to assist in supporting other family
members or building modest savings."
Keady disagrees and said in  Indonesia  a bottle of child's cough
medicine costs 121 percent of a day's basic wage. Nike workers often have to choose
between food and medicine, he said.
"Doctors told us that practically all children of factory workers are malnourished," Keady said.
Keady and Kretzu encouraged college students to use their power as part
of the world's "elite" to influence law makers into passing legislation
guaranteeing human rights around the world and to question everything around them.
"You don't have to go and starve with the workers to have an impact,"
Keady said.
Taking the University as an example, he questioned the relationship
between a state institution and Nike, a "known oppressor."
Keady said workers in Indonesia are intimidated into accepting
substandard working conditions and inadequate pay by factory managers who crush all
efforts to unionize.

   While they were in Indonesia, one factory worker who tried to organize a
union was tortured and killed by hired agents as an example to other
workers, Keady and Kretzu said.
 "A common element is fear," Kretzu said. "There is fear from top to
bottom in the Nike corporation."
Monitors of the factories' conditions do not receive an accurate image of
factory life, Keady said. The management chooses the workers to be
interviewed, and all interviews are done at the factory with incredible intimidation.

   "The monitoring system is flawed at best," he said.
The company's Web site, however, said Nike retains independent auditors
to stay informed of conditions and make sure standards are met. Nike believes
Keady did not come away with an accurate view of Indonesian workers' lives.
"Mr. Keady did not go to Indonesia with objective research intentions but
rather to target Nike by making predetermined alleged findings consistent
with his already espoused beliefs," Nike's Web site said. "Spending one month in
Indonesia is not sufficient to understand the vast and complex issues facing the more than 200 million Indonesian citizens."
Keady and Kretzu were brought to the University by Chiron, a student group working to raise consumer awareness.
Chiron co-founder George Hartman, senior in LAS, said he hoped the
presentation would make students take the initiative to learn more about
where their clothes come from.

EXHIBIT J - JAKARTA, Feb 2 (AFP) - Suharto crony - and Nike factory owner - sentenced to two years jail for graft

Dear friends:

FINALLY someone goes to jail!  Sacked Nike workers (Cicih, Sadisah and 22 others) won a Supreme Court judgment against Hasan's Astra Group, but could only get about fifteen percent of lost wages claimed from the disgraced billionaire.  Nike's public position on dealing with a reviled character like Hasan?  "That's how you do business in Indonesia" (Oregonian 11/11/97)

Jeff Ballinger (February 2, 2001)

Hasan’s Astra Group is a Nike subcontract factory owner.

JAKARTA, Feb 2 (AFP) - Suharto crony sentenced to two years jail for graft

An Indonesian court late Friday sentenced timber tycoon Muhamad "Bob" Hasan, a key business partner of disgraced former president Suharto, to two years imprisonment on two separate corruption charges.

It was the first guilty verdict handed down to a Suharto crony since the former dictator fell from power in May of 1998.

Central Jakarta district court presiding judge Subardi (Eds: one name) said the bench in a unanimous decision found the 70-year-old Hasan guilty of of causing losses to the state of 244 million dollars through a fraudulent aerial mapping survey awarded 11 years ago.

He was also found guilty by the court of having misappropriated 168 million dollars in forestry association funds, Subardi said.

The prosecution, which had demanded an eight year sentence, was undecided whether to appeal the verdict, but Hasan's defence lawyers immediately appealed against the sentence.

The defence appeal meant that Hasan was allowed to return home pending legal resolution of the case, rather than go straight to jail.

Subardi also ordered Hasan to pay a 15 million rupiah (1,578 dollar) fine And repay the state the 14.2 billion rupiah he was charged with embezzling from the forestry association fund.


EXHIBIT K - Global Alliance Report Alleges Abuse

Boje, David M. (2001) "Comparison of the Urban Community Mission (UCM) Survey Report December 1999 to the Global Alliance, Center for Societal Development Studies (CSDS) 2000 study.

February 22 - 2001 Nike report alleges abuse By Andrew Edgecliffe-Johnson in New York Published: February 21 2001- Nike Indonesia workers face abuse, sexual harassment, low pay - Financial Times London dubs it, the end of Nike's "denial" phase. Nike promises to remedy 'disturbing' problems at Indonesian factories

Why does Financial Times (London) get pretty much an "exclusive"?  It might have something to do with FT's boss, David Bell, being Chairman of the board of Rick Little's "International Youth Foundation."

Workers at nine of Nike's contract factories in Indonesia have witnessed verbal and physical abuse by supervisors against co-workers, and female employees being coerced into sex, according to a report released Wednesday by a nonprofit watchdog group.

Employees also complained of being forced to work overtime, seeing assembly-line workers fondled by managers and having access to medical care restricted, the report by Global Alliance found...

Researchers from Global Alliance conducted hour long interviews with 4,004 workers - 6 percent of the work force at the nine factories chosen - for the report. Subjects were chosen at random, and the interviews were done without supervision from factory officials, said Rick Little, chairman of Global Alliance. ...

Of the workers surveyed in the latest report, 56 percent said they had seen supervisors verbally abusing co-workers. And 15.7 percent reported observing improper sexual touching. Another 13.7 percent said they saw physical abuse.

Workers reported seeing others punished for being late by making them clean toilets or run around the factory grounds. Others allege that the deaths of two workers were related to the denial of medication...

Nike paid for the latest report with a $7.8 million grant. Little, the alliance chairman, said Nike has acted in good faith to solve the problems. ..

96 pct of workers questioned said that while their salaries were above the regional minimum wage, they were "not adequate to meet workers' increasing cost of living."


EXHIBIT L - Postcard from a Factory February 26, 2001

The workers complained of verbal and physical abuse, including sexual harassment against female workers, forced overtime and deprivation of their rights, including access to health care. Their salaries, while above the official minimum wage level, hardly cover basic physical needs, the report says...

For decades, this country has compromised too many its principles protecting workers for the sake of economic growth and business profits. Now it's time for a new and more humane approach. The Global Alliance report is not only an eye-opener, it is also a wake-up call for this country to get its act together for the protection of workers' rights.

Jakarta Post, Monday, February 26, 2001. Editorial- Postcard from a factory

What kind of salary increase would $7.8 million mean to 115,000 Nike workers in 30 factories receive assuming an average daily wage of $1.25 per day? 


EXHIBIT M - Keady - result of study is Nike cuts and runs.

(February 1, 2001)  Jim Keady, a former soccer professional and Director of
the Living Wage Project, got disturbing news today about Nike's "cut and run
tactics" in a number of the Indonesian shoe factories that his Project Team
researched this past summer. 


EXHIBIT N - Friday June 8 an international conference broken up by police and then the conference attendees were attacked by civilian militias


In places like Australia, Europe and North America there is relative freedom to criticize corporations and governments and to campaign for  greater democracy and accountability. Its easy for those of us who live in those places to forget that in countries like Vietnam, China and Indonesia  (countries where Nike chooses to have its products made) it can be very  dangerous to engage in the kind of debate and protest that we take for granted. - Tim Connor (June 18, 2001)...

On Friday June 8 an international conference on militarism, labor rights and  democracy held in Indonesia was broken up by police and then the conference attendees were attacked by civilian militias. The conference was organized  by the PRD, a social democratic political party in Indonesia, which is lead by Budiman Sujatmiko and Dita Sari. A number of the Indonesians at the  conference have been actively involved in the Nike campaign and regularly pass on information from Nike workers about conditions in their factories  to NikeWatch.

This description of the attack was sent from a participant in the conference to a friend. Please read it and then consider signing on to the letter of protest underneath:

 I had a long-long night on June 8.  I attended the conference on Asia Pacific People's  Solidarity. The main theme of the conference is about struggle against  neo-liberalism and militarism. It held by Increase (Indonesian Centre for Reform  & Social Emancipation), started on 7 June at  Sawangan, Bogor. It  supposed to end on June 10, but we, actually the police, ended it  earlier.  On June 8, around 2 or 2.30 at noon, the police came and we're instructed to stop the conference at once in the name of  the law. Firstly, because the conference held without an official  permit, and  secondly, because all the foreign participants (about 35 of  them) used tourist  visas to enter Indonesia.  After a long negotiation between Budiman  Sujatmiko and the police, there's a news that the police headquarter finally  issued the permit. But they insisted to take all the foreign participant to the  police station for a further process. Only 32 of them (mostly from Aussie)  went, and 2 Filipinos and 1 Indian stayed with us, because they looked like  Indonesian, and the police didn't know their identity.   I had this bad feeling about the worst  thing going to happen, because while the police came, they were followed by  around 10 people in red-army-look uniform. These red uniformed guys tried to  provoke the local people who came to watch the incident. But they all left by police order. But as many experienced friends told that they usually came back  with more troops, so the organizing committee asked us to stay together waiting  for our bus, and didn't allow us to leave the conference room, just in case they  waited us outside. There's only one gate lead to the main road. It took almost 2  hours until the bus arrived, we even had a chance to have dinner.   Apparently, those  red uniformed  people waited and took the arriving bus as a sign for us to leave, so 5 minutes  after the bus arrived, they attacked us. Later I know, there were about 20 of them. (I didn't know exactly whether they were armed or not, but later a student  participant told me that he was kicked and hit by one of them, so even if they  were armed, they didn't use it.)  The moment we noticed a sound of car with  lots of noises screaming : "Attack ! Kill the communist!", we got panick[y] and  all ran out from the conference room. I ran as fast as I can. I heard someone  called for Dita Sari (FNPBI), so I followed that guy. I had this quick  thinking that they would do anything to keep Dita safe, so hopefully they  wouldn't abandon me. I was right.  We ran into the deepest rainy night,  through a lake, paddy fields and golf yard, tried to avoid the main road. Once  we had to hide between bamboos and bushes for we noticed 3 guys passing through.  We were not sure who, but obviously, they're not our friends. I prayed, Dita  prayed without a pause. I felt so fragile, defenseless, hopeless, but not  exhausted yet. I wonder where my strength came from, because I got very sick on  the 1st day and still took some medicine that day.  At the end of the golf yard, we met 2  groups of our friends, and that made us 23 men and 2 women all wet and  exhausted, too frightened to cry. We met a couple of local people (they're  dating there, actually, and it was funny we met them that way) and they led us through a hole they made to enter the golf yard, and we had to walk about 2 km between houses of a village till we found another main road. We  took separate transport, but I was... with Dita Sari. We went to a PRD activist's home. It almost 10 pm. We knew from TV news that the red-uniformed  people claimed themselves as Angkatan Muda Kaabah (Young Generation of Kaabah ;  Kaabah is a religious place at Mekkah where Moslem throw stones during a ritual  of haj ; these AMK are well-known for their militant way to defend  Moslem way of life, for example they destroy a cafe for the reason of  degradation of morality).   Dita and friends soon made phone calls,  and in the end 2 LBH staff came pick us up. Dita & Hendardi (PBHI) made an appointment to meet at Cikini, so on the way there they drove me home. It was 2  pm.  Dita later told me that 4 wounded plus 1 dehydrated and hospitalized, but I believe there are more than 10 friends who  also got kicked and hit but didn't see as wounded.  I suspected the police knew that those  AMK would be back, that's why they insisted to take all the foreign  participants. They even intended to leave Budiman with us, because they didn't  ask him to come along with those foreigners at the first place. As you might  know, not long ago Budiman was threatened to be killed by a group of Moslem  militia.  I'm sorry that you have to read this long  email. I need to make it out of me, so I won't afraid to sleep. You can see that  a life is invaluable in front of blind fanaticism, and also, even in the  reformation era, they still apply new order's way of repression not just by the  police or army, but also by civil militia. My God, how easy they painted us all  as communist... I don't even know by what criteria someone claimed as socialist  or leftist.  I was and still am exhausted. But don't  worry, my friends take good care of me.  Thanks so much for your extra time  reading this...


Here is the sign-on letter:


We Protest the Arrest of Indonesian and International Activists

We, the undersigned, would like to express our gravest concern over the forcible dispersal of the Asia Pacific Solidarity Conference Against Neoliberalism in Jakarta, Indonesia, on the afternoon of June 8, 2001.

The conference was organized by the Indonesian Center for Social Reform and Emancipation (INCREASE) and attended by participants from around the world.

The conference was convened to discuss workers' rights and the impact of the Asia Pacific economic crisis.

On June 8, at 2 p.m. Jakarta time, 300 police surrounded the conference venue and 100 armed police stormed the venue and shut down the conference.

The police took 40 participants, including conference organizers and 32 foreign attendees, by truck under arms to the Jakarta Regional Police Headquarters. Twenty-four hours later, 32 people representing 12 countries were still in police custody, including a four-year-old child.

Following the police's closure of the conference and removal of foreign guests, civilian militias attacked the remaining participants as they were leaving the conference site. Two conference attendees were injured and one was hospitalized as a result. His or her condition is currently unclear. The timing of this vicious attack raises the possibility of police collusion with the gangs, a re-emergence of the sort of alliance between right wing terror groups and the military that we saw in the Indonesian army's support for the militias in East Timor.

We consider the detention of conferences attendees and the violent attacks on Indonesian participants to be unlawful and a clear attack on free speech, the right to assemble, and labor rights. We are committed to defending workers rights wherever and whenever they are threatened.

We therefore condemn the Indonesian police's closure of the conference and its suppression of democratic discussion.

We furthermore demand that the Indonesian government: 1) ensure the safety of Indonesian activists organizing for workers' democratic rights in the Republic of Indonesia; and 2) sanction no reprisals against Indonesian participants involved in these activities.



To sign on to this statement e-mail


The material was provided by:

Tim Connor



The NikeWatch Campaign

  EXHIBIT O - RealWages Report from Indonesia

August 29, 2001 - Report from Keadys' most recent trip to Indonesia.   Download PDF file (7 pages).

More information see




April 27, 2001 New Zealand Press Association
 NZPA - New Zealand may earmark some of its aid to Indonesia to help develop unions for protection of workers paid less than $US1 ($NZ2.50) a day in sweatshops such as the Nike factory, Associate Foreign Affairs Minister Matt Robson said today. NZPA WGT tjl. Tim Connor
Coordinator, The NikeWatch Campaign


April 30, 2001

MONITORING DEBATE in The New York Times between Global Alliance and Press for Change Monitors about Indonesia (press here)




ADIDAS - Indonesia

knit tops and bottoms



woven bottoms




NOTE: there are Adidas factories in Indonesia (see PT PANARUB, Co. Ltd below) that are not DISCLOSED by Adidas. It is in these "hidden" factories where the plight of working women is kept secret from the consuming public.

ADIDAS CODE OF CONDUCT - One Woman's Story, The Case of Ms. Ngadinah.

CHRONOLOGY OF NGADINAH'S CASE - "Freedom of Association":

1. On Friday, September 8, 2000, Ngadinah with 8,000 workers at PT PANARUB, Co. Ltd., which producing ADIDAS did spontaneous striking.  At that striking there had been no demands of workers that proposed in writing.  

2. On Saturday, September 9, 2000, the striking continues.  Perbupas and SPTSK (Yellow Union) came together to arrange their demands such as:

· Implementation of Ministry of Manpower Decree No. 150 Tahun 2000 (National law No. 150 of 2000) concerning firing and severance pay.

· Overtime pay should be done according to Ministry of Manpower Decree No. 72/ Tahun 1984 (National law No. 72 of 1984).

· Menstruation leaves

· Improving of lunch

· Freedom of association

3. On Monday, September 11, 2000, they tried to negotiate the company but they have been refused then Ngadinah with other workers went to Manpower Department Official in Tangerang Resort.  They asked Department of Manpower as mediator in order to make negotiation with the company.  At that time, it was afternoon then Department of Manpower promise that Manpower Department would help them on negotiation (Tripartite).


4. Tuesday, September 12, 2000, there had been conversation between representative of employer (Roni) and workers and result of that negotiation is written on Agreement.  One of contents of agreements is the company promised that there's no intimidate, lay off, and firing for workers who did strike.  An agreement was sign by Ngadinah and other workers, company party, and witnessed by Manpower Department of Tangerang Resort.


5. Before arrangement of agreement it turned out that Slamet Surpiyadi (Personnel Staff) who gotten the mandate from Mr. Bernard, Drs, MBA, (on behalf of PT Panarub Direction) has accused Ngadinah to the Police.  It showed by the Police Resort Metro Tangerang's report No. Pol. B 731/IX/RES.TNG on September 11, 2000.  Ngadinah was accused the unpleasantly action that is provoked other workers did the striking.

6. After that accusation, Police of Tangerang Resort asked 7 workers as witnesses that prepared by the company before.

7. Police has had the information from 7 workers that burden Ngadinah.  On October 26, 2000, Ngadinah called by Police to interrogate her on company accusation.  After that interrogate, Ngadinah back to work as daily activity and she thoughts that the case is finished.

8. As secretary of Footwear Worker Association (Perbupas), Ngadinah is representative of her organisation to attend Federation of Independent Trade Union (GSBI) Congress on April 13, 2001.  That congress was attended by Ministry of Manpower and other minister too.  Surya Citra Television (private television) reporter asked Ngadinah regarding working condition on Adidas Factory interviewed Ngadinah.  At that interviewed Ngadinah told the reporter on her condition at PT PANARUB, she said too that 47 workers have to finish quota 600 pairs shoes a day.  If they do not finish the quota, supervisor would be angry or throw them with shoes.

9. April 16, 2000, Ngadinah called by management concerning her interview in private television.  Ngadinah said that what reporter's says is true and she really felt that condition at PT PANARUB.  The management angered to hear Ngadinah's reason.

10. April 19, 2000, Ngadinah got call sheet letter from Police of Tangerang Resort to see Sergeant Sugiyarta in Police of Tangerang Resort.

11. April 21, 2001, Ngadinah come to face Officer Police Sergeant Sugiyarta at Police Office in Tangerang Resort.  However Ngadinah didn't interrogate but only notified that a bundle of case would be over to office of the counsel for the prosecution of Tangerang.  Never the less, because Ngadinah did not be accompanied with family, so Sergeant Sugiyarta asked Ngadinah to face again on Monday, April 23, 2001 to Police Office of Tangerang Resort for and the surrendered to general attorney of Tangerang.

12. April 23, 2001, General Attorney of Tangerang released letter ofdetention.  At 02.00 p.m. Ngadinah took to Women Prison at Tangerang for furthermore arrested.

13. April 24, 2001, The Lawyer submitted an appeal letter of detention postponement.  However, the chief of general attorney of Tangerang can not granted the postponement restraint by reasoning that Ngadinah had surrendered to the court of Tangerang.

14. April 25, 2001, Ngadinah's lawyer submitted an appeal letter of detention postponement to chief of the court of Tangerang, but until to the third session, May 16, 2001, the appeal letter of detention postponement chief of Tangerang nothing respond.

15. April 26, 2001, representative of PT PANARUB Direction, Mr. Bernard, Drs, MBA, through his letter to General Secretary of National Board Council of Perbupas said that the corporate never reporting Ngadinah to police office of Tangerang Resort.  Where as the police report document mentioned that September 11, 2000, Mr. Slamet Surpiyadi (Personnel Staff) the might of Mr. Bernard have complaint Ngadinah to Police Office of Tangerang Resort.

16. May 1, 2001, Ngadinah informed from chief of Women Prison that May 2, 2001, would be spread out the court session hearing accusation from general attorney.  But chief of the court of Tangerang did not to Ngadinah's lawyer.  So, Ngadinah initiatives (be allowed from chief of Women Prison, Tangerang) contact to lawyers by phone in women prison, Tangerang for informing that, May 2, 2001, will be implemented the first session to hearing the accusation said that is not necessary accompanied with lawyers. Ngadinah rejected and request permission to calling by phone.

17. May 2, 2001, the session implemented to hearing the accusation of general attorney.  In the accusation, general attorney accused Ngadinah by two accusations Article No. 160 and 335 of Civil Law.  Actually, investigator only investigate the case by accusation of violate Article K3 1 335 of Civil Law.

18. May 8, 2001, in second session of Ngadinah's case, Lawyer refuses the accusation of Public Prosecutor because the Public Prosecutor's reason is unclear, incorrectness, and lie as well as not according to the facts. Ngadinah's lawyer asked Chairman of Court of Justice to postpone all of accusation of Public Prosecutor.

19. May 10, 2001. Drs. Bernard (on behalf of PT PANARUB Direction) said to the media mass (Warta Kota, 11 Mei 2001) that PT PANARUB never accuse Ngadinah to the Police of Tangerang Resort but Police of Tangerang Resort gave nothing respond toward Bernard's says.

20. May 16, 2001, in third session of Ngadinah's case through its respond Public Prosecutor  refuses the answer of Ngadinah's lawyer and asked Court of Justice to continue crime action case that violate Article 160 and 335 of Civil Law.

After read that chronology, Ngadinah's lawyer conclude that there was strange[ness] on Ngadinah's detention.


PT PANARUB has intentionally violated the ADIDAS Code of Conduct with regards to FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION.


1. International trade union to take away Ngadinah's case to ILO Session in Geneva (June 5 - 12, 2001).

2. The Police of Tangerang Resort must stopped its interfere within workers conflict.

3. Ministry of Manpower (according to UU No. 21 Tahun 2000) implementing to investigate the violation on freedom of association at PT PANARUB and proposed it to the court.

4. Court of justice must refuses accusation from public prosecutor andreleases all of accusation of Ngadinah.

5. PT PANARUB must pay the compensation and rehabilitation of honor for freedom that taken and rubbed by PT PANARUB's accuse and Police of Tangerang Resort.

Jakarta, May 18, 2001

This information is from Arist Merdeka Sirait, Ngadinah's Lawyer, and the coordinator of Sisbikum:
Subject: Verdict in Ngadinah Trial
Date: Thu, 30 Aug 2001 16:41:08 +0700
X-MSMail-Priority: Normal
X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V4.72.3110.3

Worker Rights Victory!  Today, 3 members of the Solidarity Center staff attended the  trial of Ngadinah in Tangerang.  The panel of 3 judges issued their  decision.  Ngadinah was found NOT GUILTY on both charges filed against  her.  The judges stated that the evidence presented by the prosecution,  including the testimony of the witnesses, did not support the charges brought  against Ngadinah.  They stated that she was not guilty, that she was  "fully rehabilitated," and that all court costs would be borne by the  government.  The  judges did not apologize for the fact that
Ngadinah  was already imprisoned for over a month.  They did, however, mention ILO  Conventions in their decision, including the freedom of association  (particularly the right of workers to give speeches to other workers about their  normative rights, and to discuss with fellow workers their rights).  Below are photographs from the trial, and Ngadinah after the  verdict.  In solidarity,     Neha  Neha Misra Deputy Field Representative American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity  Center)/Indonesia Office Gedung Cik's, Lantai 2 Jl. Cikini
Raya 84-86 Jakarta 10330 Indonesia Telephone: (62)(21) 336-635, 326-902
Fax: (62)(21) 319-03822, 326-081 email:,
This biographical information regarding Ngadinah (Adidas worker currently on trial in Indonesia for involvement in a strike) was prepared by USAS members, Agatha Schmaedick and Chad Sullivan.

They have also written up the transcript of an interview with Ngadinah and prepared some appeal letters (which may need to be adapted based on the trial outcome today). Note that one of the articles under which Ngadinah has been charged, Article 334, is an article of Indonesian law which dates back to Dutch colonial days and which has often been used by the Suharto government to suppress labor protests and strikes. More broadly, the article has a long history of use to suppress political dissidents.  The wording of the article is intentionally broad, allowing for the arrest of any person suspected of committing "displeasing acts."

Ngadinah's Biographical Information:

Ngadinah binti Abu Mawardi was born on June 18th, 1972 in the small Central Java village of Karangturi. She is the fifth child of eight from a family of farmers. When Ngadinah was thirteen her father died suddenly in a car accident. As a result of her family's loss of a primary wage earner Ngadinah had to stop going to school, having only finished fifth grade, and accompany her older brother to Jakarta to look for work. At the age of 14 Ngadinah was forced to take her first sweatshop job in an electronics factory. She spent the next two years working around 60 hours a week making stereos for Nobelstar Electronics. Since Nobelstar, Ngadinah has worked in a variety of factories: sock, shoe (Reebok), apparel (Nike and Adidas) and bread. Ngadinah started at her latest place of employment, PT Panarub (an Adidas shoe manufacturer) in 1995. She has worked in the cutting, sewing, and assembling divisions at Panarub.

It wasn't until her last two years at Panarub, that she got involved in union organizing. For the last two years Ngadinah has been the factory level General Secretary for Perpubas, the Indonesia Shoe Manufacturers Union.

Ngadinah has good evidence to believe that it is her union involvement that lead to her recent arrest. Last year (September 8th, 2000) she was part of a spontaneous, 8000 worker strike over starvation wages, forced overtime, menstrual leave, and other issues.  For her part in that strike she has spent twenty-nine days in jail, been to court eighteen times since May 2nd of this year, and the trail is not yet finished. Her charges are UU 335 "doing something that doesn't make her employer happy" and KepMen 160 "using violence or force or provoking others to use force." She faces a possible sentence of six years imprisonment. The judge will give his verdict next Thursday, August 30th.





PT. Tong Yang Indonesia
Raya Bekasi KM 37, JL.Cempaka, Jatimulya
Tambun - Bekasi 17510
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P.T. Dong Joe Indonesia
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Kecamatan Pasar Kemis
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P.T. Bintang Kharisma
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P.T. Victory Long Age
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Tandes, Surabaya