ABSTRACT

The production and consumption of “safe risk” activities is an increasingly
common and important focus in the tourism and recreational services industry.
Safe risk activities are specially constructed forms of normally risky
activities which employ simulation processes to generate a sense of fear and
danger while at the same time mitigating or preventing the emergence of true
danger.  Simulated or safe risk activities are becoming common recreational
products.  The current paper examines these safe or simulated risk activities
and discusses how the concepts of simulacra and safe risk inform our
understanding of profit making recreational management activities in
contemporary society. An example of a commercially guided expedition to Mt.
Everest is provided to illustrate the current perspective on (in)effective
management of simulacra and safe risks in recreational activities.

INTRODUCTION

Simulacra are perfect representations of entities which do not exist (Jameson,
1991).  They are the “pseudo events” and “spectacles” of our time (Fjellman,
1992: 401).  Simulacra emerge from processes of simulation which disrupt or
abolish the relationship between reality and appearance.  Simulation processes
generate a "real" which lacks an origin or reality (Baudrillard, 1983: 2) -- a
simulacrum.  Through simulation, the model comes to precede the phenomenon or
reality.

Simulation and the emergence of simulacra involve historical processes of
successive displacement of prior forms.  Simulation has also been
conceptualized in terms of four phases or orders which may be contemporary
processes (Baudrillard, 1983, 1994) wherein one order of simulation can
contaminate another (Baudrillard, 1994: 126). In the first phase, the
simulacrum is constituted as representative symbols which reflect a basic
reality.  One has both the semblance and the reality: difference is retained.
The image is a good appearance, a counterfeit appearance,  on the order of a
sacrament.  In the second phase of the image, the simulacrum is constituted in
terms of deformed symbols.  These symbols mask, pervert or liquidate basic
reality, absorb appearances, and constitute an imminent logic of the
operational principle (Baudrillard, 1983: 13, 95).  Thus the simulacrum as
deformed symbol becomes an evil appearance, a product or production wherein
important key features have been removed and others accentuated.  In the third
phase the simulacrum masks the absence of reality.  The simulacrum is no longer
counterfeit: rather, it originates in "technique" (p. 96) and can be mass
produced: the "hegemony of the robot" as Baudrillard puts it (p. 95).  Here,
signs and symbols are reproduced in ways which conceal absences and the
features which have been removed from reality.  These new, reformed and mass
produced symbols may be grounded in and may emerge from hyper-realities far
removed from the real word.  The final phase of the simulacrum is pure
simulation: the simulacrum bears no relation to reality.  Here symbols no
longer imply a link to reality but rather, they are un-real, bear no relation
to reality and become free-floating symbols.

SIMULACRAL RISK AND RECREATION
Simulacra play an increasingly important role in society and organizations
(Fjellman, 1992).  In particular, the concept of the simulacrum suggests many
forms of recreation and leisure are based in simulation.  For example, sport
events are inherently artificial and involve contrived activities or actions
with artificial devices, e.g. golfing with its “swing” and golf clubs.
Further, many sports and recreational activities use or require specially
constructed settings or contexts and devices for their enactment, e.g. golf
courses stadiums, playing fields and arenas; hockey pucks and ball bats.

The forms simulacra take in the recreational industry can be illustrated by
Disney enterprises, the perfect model of all the entangled orders of simulacra
(Baudrillard, 1994: 12; Fjellman, 1992).  First order simulacra include the
real trees and shrubs that are now part of the grounds of Disney World in
Florida.  These plants represent ‘nature’ since nature was been displaced in
the draining of swamps and the ecological changes undertaken in the
construction of Disney World (Fjellman, 1992).  Disney World is thus a
simulacral environment or ecology representing nature as a foundational part of
the facility.  Second, these representations of nature are often an important
part of rides and attractions.  For example, Space Mountain uses an artificial
mountain -- a false image of nature and of great height -- to create the false
experience of a high speed train (now roller coaster) descent from the mountain
top. Third, Disney World embraces mass produced symbols with reality somewhat
altered or removed.  For example, autoanimatronic cockroaches and
autoanimatronic people (Fjellman, 1992) can be mass produced to represent real
insects, historical figures, and so on.  Finally, Disney is firmly based in
un-reality and it makes this unreality real.  This is evidenced by the ever
present Mickey Mouse and other Disney characters which parade around the
grounds.  These pure simulacra are iconically represented in numerous ways at
Disney World and are available for purchase at a number of locations on the
property.   One can consider also the fake oysters attached to torii at Japan
Showcase; vinyl leaves at the Swiss Family Island Tree House, and the various
bird sounds encountered in the Park which may be real or they may be Memorex
(Fjellman, 1992: 401).

Simulacra become linked to safe risk and recreational experiences since many
potentially risky and injurious activities can and indeed have been undertaken
for recreational purposes under special conditions.  Such dangerous activities
can be experienced as enjoyable due to the presence of risks and dangers if
these risks and dangers can be averted.  Disney and indeed most all amusement
park illustrate this integration of simulacra with safe risks.  For example,
normally risky activities such as jumping from tall buildings, climbing
vertical cliffs, attempting to fly, and water transportation through rapids
have been converted into the recreational activities of parachute jumping,
mountaineering, hang gliding, and white water rafting.  This conversion
involves embedding ‘real’ actions in special contexts where unique, unusual,
extensive or otherwise special technologies and management practices are
thought to be effective at mitigating the dangers inherent in the activities.
Hence the real activities and risks are converted into safe or simulated risks
and activities which people assume can be appropriately managed to provide
recreational use values while averting adverse outcomes (dangers, hazards,
injuries, death) which might normally occur with the activities.

Another important aspect of the emergence of safe risk recreational activities
is the fact that these are also becoming commodities or commodified services.
They have become important value added products or services provided by profit
making firms offering specific recreational activities and experiences as well
as the supporting skills, resources, access and personal guidance needed to
enact potentially risky experiences in a safe way.  Indeed, through
commodification many recreational activities which formerly required extensive
skills and resources have become routinely available to persons who lack the
physical or other skills and resources needed to engage in the activity.   One
contracts with a firm which to provide these experiences in a safe manner.   An
increasingly wide range of such services are offered ranging perhaps to the
ultimate experience: a guide trips to the summit of Mt. Everest.  I thus argue
that the economic production of safe or docile risks has become an important
and new feature of the emerging recreational services industry with entire new
industry domains such as “adventure tourism”.   And simulacra and the simulated
management of safe risk are becoming increasingly important to commercial and
other recreational management.

SIMULATED SAFETY

The creation of safe risks in commodified recreation displaces reality and
recreational activities involve risks and experiences which become “hyperreal”:
they abolish the distinction between reality and fiction (Baudrillard, 1994:
126) and relocate recreational experiences to the realm of hyperreality.  The
transformation of risky realities into simulated risks requires special
precautions, knowledge, skills and resources.  And simulated risks can fail.
Thus an important and ongoing problem in new ‘safe risk’ recreational
enterprises is the challenge of simultaneously maintaining the appearance of
(simulated) risk and danger as well as the appearance of (true) safety.  This
is a challenge since there is a tendency for simulated risk to devolve into
simulated and artificial safety.

This tension between simulated risk and simulated safety becomes particularly
apparent where a client or consumer contracts with a recreational service
provider to provide a safe risk activity or experience.  In this commercial
situation, the client supplies money in exchange for direct or indirect
training, knowledge, resources and other phenomena necessary for the activity.
People who contract for these services become consumers rather than individual
athletes or amateurs and possession of appropriate skills may be left to the
guides or commercial agents.  For example, amusement park thrill rides,
downhill and helicopter skiing, guided mountaineering and guided trail riding
in the Canadian Rockies are all examples of safe risk related activities which
have been provided in commercial form.

The professional production and management of safe or simulacral risks is thus
an important product for the recreational industry.  Insights into this domain
can be developed through an examination of the well known case of a
commercially guided expedition to Mt. Everest (Krakauer, 1997) which resulted
in the deaths of 5 clients.

Mt. Everest is real and any ascent of the mountain is an achievement.  However
there are “elite” (amateur or unguided) climbers and ascents as well as
commercial climbers or clients who make ascents under the supervision of a
professional guide.  The greater one’s own responsibility in a climb the more
‘pure’ the climb and the more prestige one gains from a climb. For example, as
Krakauer notes: “Nobody was more admired than so-called free soloists:
visionaries who ascended alone, without rope or hardware” (1997:20).  A guided
ascent, especially one where as commonly occurs ropes are fixed to allow
clients an easy ascent, is by its very nature an imperfect or impure ascent
which lacks the prestige and reality of an unguided (self-) ascent.

Indeed, prior to the 1990s, Everest climbers had generally been elite or
serious (or foolish) climbers involved in non-commercial expeditions and
Everest team membership was based on extensive skills, proven experiences and
elite mountaineering status.  The emergence of the commercial expedition
changed the composition of many Everest expeditions.  Everest became “within
the realm of possibility for regular guys” (Beck Weathers, in Krakauer, 1997:
22) who needed only reasonable fitness, a sufficient disposable income and
time.  Essentially the emergence of the commercial expedition led to an
expectation on the part of many clients that guides could be able to ‘tame’ or
manage the risks and dangers which clients normally face themselves in a
non-commercial expedition.  Thus a successful ascent became an expected and
assumedly routine outcome of the contract.  For example,
“Occasionally you’ll get a client who thinks he’s bought a guaranteed ticket to
the summit,” laments Peter Athans, a highly respected guide...”Some people
don’t understand that an Everest expedition can’t be run like a Swiss train”
(Krakauer, 1997: 23).

Thus the model of the ‘serious’ climb of Mt. Everest has changed into a model
of the staged or contractually managed climb constructed in the context of
safe or simulated risk.  Dangers one would normally face are assumed to be
addressed and mitigated by the actions and resources of the guide and the
guiding firm.  That is, the responsibility for most aspects of the climbing is
transferred to the guide or climbing firm as a commercial obligation.  In
contrast, on non-commercial expeditions most aspects of climbing are the
responsibility of individual climbers or are the outcome of group decision
making.  In this way a commercial climb of Mt. Everest became a counterfeit
ascent of Everest, a simulated and distorted climb, a false ideal pursued.

Third, the climb became a mass produced simulacrum.  That is, a climb of Mt.
Everest was formerly regarded as a special and unique accomplishment which few
could achieve.  Through commodification, the experience was opened up to any
person with a minimal level of fitness and sufficient time and financial means
to join the commercial expedition.  Thus climbing Everest is transformed from
raw risk into safe risk.

Finally, the expedition became un-real, a pure simulation of an organized
expedition. Commonly expeditions are formed by people who have climbed together extensively or who know of one another’s accomplishments and reputations.  Team members are bound to one another by strong ties including friendship.  In a commercial expedition where members pay to join and do not know others in advance, the contract created and substituted for any interpersonal or relational ties which might have existed and brought the group together.   Friendships and relationships were simulated and created by the commercial bond.  Consider Krakauer’s experiences at the South Col of Mt. Everest:
 

“There were more than fifty people camped on the Col that night, huddled in shelters pitched side by side, yet an odd feeling of isolation hung in the air....I felt disconnected from the climbers around me - emotionally, spiritually, physically - to a degree I hadn’t experienced on any previous expedition.  We were a team in name only, I’d sadly come to realize. ...we would leave camp as a group, we would ascend as individuals, linked to one another by neither rope nor any deep sense of loyalty.  Each client was in it for himself or herself, pretty much”.  (Krakauer, 1997: 163).

As clients sought and reached the summit they consumed the image of the ascent,
abandoned any semblance of being an integrated group, and devolved into the
uncontrolled form of ruggedly individual consumers.  And as a storm closed on
the mountain the climbers abandoned one another.  Simulacral risks changed
forms and the simulated nature of safety became evident.

Once separated from the leader of the expedition, members pursued their
individual self interest.  The un-reality of the expedition was thereby
transformed into the truth of death when the fit or still strong climbers
descended the peak leaving others in the snow:

“I tried to get Yasuko on here feet .  She grabbed my arm, but she was too weak to get up past her feet.  I started walking and dragged her for a step or two, then her grip loosened and she fell away...I can’t help thinking about Yasuko...She was so little.  I can still feel her fingers sliding across my biceps, and then letting go.  I never even turned to look back” (Beidleman, in Krakauer, p. 288).

CONCLUSION

The commercialization of recreational activities and the manufacture of safe
risk are associated with the transformation of activities and events into
simulacra -- simulated versions of reality.  Recreation produces simulated
risks which are depicted as increasingly distant from everyday experiences of
risk, fear and danger.  Yet these simulated, safe risks can engender and even
disguise new, emergent and often lethal ‘true’ risks and dangers.  I expect
that in future we shall find simulacral risks will become even more important
in recreation and in organizations in general.  I also expect that new,
unanticipated risks and dangers will emerge from simulacra.  From the current
perspective, recreational management thus involves the production of images and
experiences of safe risk.  The key challenge is to effectively manage these
simulacral risks dangers in ways which preserve life and hope while creating
images which erase the boundaries between fantasy and reality, life and death.

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